- Nepal's political leaders have historically prioritized vested interests over national welfare, leading to systemic corruption and governance failures across multiple regimes since 1990.
- Chronic dissatisfaction with established parties eventually fueled public unrest and the rise of new political forces like the RSP and Balendra Shah.
- The author warns that leaders who ignore public interests risk political collapse, emphasizing that democracy requires genuine support to function like wheels on an engine.
When travelling in a vehicle, I usually think about a question: Why does this motor run so smoothly and continuously? At times, I find an easy solution: it is supported by four wheels. What if one of the four goes out of order? The vehicle will be removed from the road. Even the powerful engine will remain useless unless it gets support again. All those who exercise excessive power today will be left behind tomorrow and will be like an engine without tyres on the road if they lose the support of powerful people.
While making this statement, we can easily conclude that people are the most powerful source in a democratic system in every society. They have the power to decide who will be their next rulers in their country. However, after being elected by popular votes, ruling-class people are often found to be dismissing the promises they made to the common people before the election. In this article, I am not only talking about how power corrupts ruling-class people but also about how corruption becomes a way of life in the context of our home country's politics and many other areas.
Rather than discussing the details of European or American styles of good governance, it will be more meaningful to talk about the context of Nepal, the use of power, and the political practices of its so-called political leadership, from the past to the present-day political scenario. While talking about power and politics in Nepal, a big question immediately comes to my mind. Have we ever seen power being used correctly to change the existing system? The easy answer is no, despite some positive changes in a few aspects of the daily lives of the people of Nepal.
While talking about power and politics, I am not going back to the remote past of the Rana regime or the period of direct rule under the monarchy in Nepal. That would be another story to discuss in a different chapter. However, I will open up some issues that we have experienced since the reawakening of multiparty democracy in Nepal in 1990.
Living in a foreign land and talking about homeland politics, someone may ask, "Why don't you mind your own business and stop talking about bigger issues concerning Nepal and its politics?" While answering this question, I would rather say that I like Nepalese politics because the blood I carry from Nepal is still circulating in my body. I cannot even forget the politics of Nepal if I forget everything I learned there. People around the world would have responded similarly to the way I defend my logic in this article.
Let's talk about this bitter reality again with some political details. When I say the multiparty system, it should also be called the "multiparty democratic government system" in Nepal. In almost four decades of power politics, we have seen and experienced various forms and styles of government in our country. Hundreds of people have gained political power, including a few top leaders of different political parties in Nepal. Unfortunately, they have misused that power to fulfil their vested interests, not the interests of the nation and its people.
Why did the majority government of the late GP Koirala collapse? The answer is very easy. The concept of good governance failed. Koirala showed his incompetence in ruling the country. Corruption increased, and dreams of social justice were shattered. Finally, he was pushed out not only by opposition parties but also by his failure to maintain a majority within his own party. The failure to govern the country prepared the solid ground for the Maoist movement in Nepal in 2052 B.S. However, his other practices of climbing to power through conspiracy theories could not improve his political career as prime minister. But during the people's movements of 2062/63, Koirala regained his damaged political status. However, his greed for power remained alive until his last days.
After the decade-long Maoist movement and the alliance of other parties, the monarchy in Nepal was overthrown. The so-called republican system of government led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal failed to turn people's dreams into reality. Mr. Dahal often said that they were new to the government and lacked experience in ruling the country. Even after several attempts, he did not make a real difference in serving the national interest or the interests of the people in developing the country. However, he invested all his time in the power struggle and the race for the chair. In this context, he deserved to win national awards for conspiracy theories in the political rat race.
Mr. Dahal and his contemporary party leaders used to say that they understood the ground reality of the lives of Nepalese people. But why did they fail to govern the country and bring about positive changes that people could experience in their daily lives? Instead, they were engaged in earning money in the name of learning to become mature politicians. The interesting part is their contradictions regarding the parliamentary system. They used to claim, "We are not like the old parties, and we are not interested in parliament." Then, how did they win elections? And how did they form the government several times? However, their dual nature has been clearly understood by the people. As a result, their strength in parliament was reduced in later elections.
Up to now, many new and old faces have served as prime ministers of Nepal. Most of them have succeeded in hanging their pictures on the wall as former prime ministers, whereas leaders like Sher Bahadur Deuba have held executive power for the sixth time. People, on the other hand, are not really concerned about who gets power and how long he or she enjoys that privilege. Despite their political downfall, Mr. Dahal and KP Oli seem to be struggling for their party leadership positions at any cost. However, Mr. Deuba has been pushed into a corner by his junior leaders. Due to their lust for power, some positive roles they may have played for the nation have also been overshadowed.
Just as outdated medicine does not produce good results in human life, outdated leaders have nothing to offer for the nation's well-being. We cannot expect such a high level of moral conduct from our politicians. Rather, we are looking closely at our former president, Mrs. Bidya Devi Bhandari, who is now returning to party politics in the UML, ignoring her previous status as the nation's head of state. We are now providing an example for the rest of the world of how greedy people seek power.
While focusing on this argument, we should not forget how the late Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Manmohan Adhikari proved themselves to be honest and fair political leaders in Nepal's history. Good leaders are remembered for a long time, even after their deaths. However, most leaders in Nepal have contributed to public frustration and growing corruption in many areas of life. As a result, we have witnessed many unpredictable developments in the country's political life.
The political players Mr. Dahal, Deuba, and Oli were at the centre of Nepal's recent political scenario. They considered themselves as if they were born to rule the country. Without them, the nation could not even move forward. Ultimately, this prepared the fertile ground for the devastating Gen Z movement in Nepal in August 2025, which resulted in the loss of many lives and damage to property. However, thousands of people had already sacrificed their lives throughout Nepal's history on different dates and at different times for political reasons.
Since the recently held general election, many things have changed in Nepal's power politics. The new political force, RSP, has already come to power with a full majority. Mr. Balendra Shah has been given a historic opportunity to bring changes to the existing system. Some positive signs have emerged in the initial days. However, opposition parties are not accepting the facts surrounding the interim government and the election process. This again demonstrates their immaturity and the lack of visionary leadership among the existing parties.
Ravi Lamichhane has already accepted that people have no more tolerance. They will be swept away in the next election like the Bhotekoshi River swept away things in Rasuwa district if they fail to make changes in government actions to control corruption within Nepal's bureaucracy. Finally, we agree that any political ideology will collapse sooner or later, like an engine without the support of tyres on the road. But for now, let's wait and see how the new leaders will make changes possible in Nepal and turn people's dreams into reality.
